When mutinous troopers seized energy within the West African nation of Burkina Faso early final yr, the president of neighboring Niger struck a dismissive word.
“This is nonsense,” President Mohamed Bazoum advised two Western diplomats who sat in his workplace as news of the coup got here by. How cynical was it, Mr. Bazoum remarked, that the troopers accountable for securing Burkina Faso had overthrown the federal government within the identify of restoring safety.
Now Mr. Bazoum faces the identical destiny. Deposed final month by troopers who accused him of failing to guard Niger in opposition to Islamist teams, he’s nonetheless a hostage in his own residence three weeks on, working out of meals and disadvantaged of water and electrical energy.
Mr. Bazoum’s Western and African allies try to barter his launch, and West African military chiefs on Friday have been set to finalize a potential navy intervention in Niger. But their hopes of restoring him to energy are quickly fading.
Mr. Bazoum was lauded in overseas capitals for his democratic credentials and hard stand in opposition to Islamist militants. But the coup and its aftermath have revealed his critics at residence: the activists banned from protesting, the conservatives who objected to his advocacy of ladies’ schooling, and the highly effective generals he sought to sideline.
“Bazoum was on an island surrounded by alligators,” mentioned Rahmane Idrissa, a Nigerien political scientist. “He had been haunted by the possibility of a coup.”
Niger is now within the arms of Gen. Abdourahmane Tchiani — the chief of the navy unit that turned in opposition to the president it was supposed to guard.
It is a brutal fall for Mr. Bazoum, 63, a one-time highschool instructor who served as overseas minister and inside minister earlier than being elected in 2021 as president. He performed a key function in turning Niger into a popular Western ally, at the same time as critics solid doubt on the legitimacy of his victory and frustration mounted over insurance policies that many noticed as tailor-made to please Western companions.
Niger is without doubt one of the world’s poorest countries, and the broader Sahel area has turn into the global epicenter of Islamist militancy, regardless of a decade of Western-led navy operations. For safety companions just like the United States and France, Mr. Bazoum provided the hope of regional stabilization. The navy takeover has left them with out a essential ally.
When troopers surrounded Mr. Bazoum’s residence within the capital, Niamey, on July 26, he fled right into a protected room along with his spouse and son and referred to as Western allies, alerting them to his plight, but additionally providing assurances. Mr. Bazoum believed that pleasant military items would come to his rescue by dusk and that he would return to energy unscathed, mentioned a former U.S. official who spoke with him that day, and described the dialog on the situation of anonymity to keep away from alienating his contacts within the Nigerien navy.
The cavalry by no means arrived. Western-trained Special Forces near Mr. Bazoum had been dispatched to a distant desert space to organize for Independence Day celebrations on Aug. 3, the previous U.S. official mentioned. The mutineers led by General Tchiani rapidly established management.
Now, guards have barricaded Mr. Bazoum inside his residence with additional locks, in line with a member of his cupboard who requested anonymity to debate Mr. Bazoum’s detention. He has refused to resign, however the junta in energy has dissolved his authorities and named a brand new one.
After West African international locations threatened navy motion to free Mr. Bazoum, the brand new navy junta mentioned it might kill him within the occasion of an intervention. It has additionally threatened to prosecute Mr. Bazoum for treason.
“The putschists have strengthened their grip on the state apparatus,” mentioned Fahiraman Rodrigue Koné, a researcher with the Institute for Security Studies, in Mali. “Bazoum must be well aware that he lost power.”
At first, Mr. Bazoum didn’t see eye-to-eye with Washington. On his first journey to the United States as Niger’s overseas minister in 2011, he criticized the Western intervention in Libya, which, he predicted, would unleash a wave of instability within the area, mentioned J. Peter Pham, a former Sahel envoy for the U.S. authorities, who hosted Mr. Bazoum through the journey.
Mr. Bazoum warned Obama administration officers that the navy motion in Libya was going to “throw all sorts of actors to the winds,” and that the United States wanted to “help Niger before that sandstorm hits us,” Mr. Pham mentioned.
The message was “not well-received,” Mr. Pham added. “The administration was very defensive and didn’t want to talk about collateral damage.”
Mr. Bazoum’s prophesy was partly borne out, as Islamist militants expanded throughout the area utilizing weapons that, in some circumstances, spilled out of chaotic Libya. France deployed 1000’s of troops within the Sahel, and the United States arrange main drone bases in Niger as a part of a rising counterterrorism effort.
Mr. Bazoum, then inside minister, turned the general public face of that relationship in Niger. “All I know is they’re American,” he told The Times in 2018 a couple of newly established C.I.A. drone base within the nation’s northeastern desert.
As president, Mr. Bazoum championed causes that additionally endeared him to Western companions. He promised to construct 100 boarding colleges throughout the nation to teach women and cut back early marriages. His aim, he mentioned, was to carry down Niger’s birthrate of seven kids per girl — the world’s highest.
Backed by Western navy help applications price tons of of tens of millions of {dollars}, Mr. Bazoum ramped up a drive in opposition to teams tied to Al Qaeda and the Islamic State. He additionally promoted utilizing dialogue to steer extremists to put down their arms in trade for skilled coaching and financial improvement.
Even as Mr. Bazoum partnered with the West, he courted different overseas powers looking for to construct their affect in Africa. He bought armed drones from Turkey and superior the development of a China-backed oil pipeline that would turn into a serious financial boon to Niger.
His strategy appeared to be bearing fruit this yr when, over the primary six months, assaults on civilians in Niger dropped by 39 %, in line with the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project. In neighboring Mali and Burkina Faso, the place troopers seized energy in 2021 and 2022, violence soared.
But Mr. Bazoum’s enthusiastic assist from the West was not mirrored at residence, the place critics asserted that his election had been rigged. (Observers from the African Union judged it a good vote, and Niger’s prime courtroom later confirmed the consequence.)
He tried to maneuver away from the lingering affect of his predecessor, Mahamadou Issoufou, visiting victims of terrorist assaults whereas his administration prosecuted dozens of officers on corruption, an strategy seen as each extra caring and harder than Mr. Issoufou’s.
But regardless of his educating abilities, Mr. Bazoum did not adequately clarify concepts, like his assist for educating lady, to the general public, observers mentioned.
“He imposed his methods with a paternalistic approach, telling Nigeriens what would be good for them,” mentioned Mr. Idrissa, who had Mr. Bazoum as a highschool instructor and is now a senior researcher with the African Studies Center of Leiden University within the Netherlands.
As a rising variety of Nigeriens grew resentful of Niger’s navy ties to France, the previous colonial energy, Mr. Bazoum’s administration confirmed little tolerance for protest.
There was additionally rising rigidity along with his navy. Some officers resented Mr. Bazoum for releasing Islamist insurgents who had killed their males, analysts mentioned. And some generals pressed for a better partnership with the junta in neighboring Mali, who had introduced within the Kremlin-backed Wagner paramilitary group. Mr. Bazoum wished no a part of that.
Mr. Bazoum supposed to fireplace Gen. Tchiani, head of the 700-strong Presidential Guard, at a cupboard assembly that was scheduled for July 27, in line with two advisers to the president and a Nigerien intelligence officer who spoke on situation of anonymity to debate Mr. Bazoum’s plans about Gen. Tchiani.
Instead, a day earlier, on July 26, Gen. Tchiani struck first.
Now, few Nigeriens dare voice public assist for Mr. Bazoum. The junta has arrested lots of his allies, whereas others have fled overseas. Thousands of principally younger Nigeriens have twice crammed a sports activities stadium to assist the navy.
One day within the capital this month, a lady in a taxi might be seen shouting out the window, “We need Bazoum!”
Dozens of younger junta supporters overturned the taxi and attacked the lady. She was rescued from the crowds by troopers standing close by.
Content Source: www.nytimes.com