I used to be actually rooting for TikTok.

In 2020, when the Trump administration first tried to power TikTok’s Chinese proprietor, ByteDance, to promote the app or danger having it shut down, I argued that banning TikTok within the United States would do extra hurt than good.

Why? Partly as a result of TikTok appeared like a handy scapegoat for issues — invasive information assortment, opaque content material insurance policies, addictive suggestion algorithms — that plagued all the large social media apps, and partly as a result of I by no means purchased the argument that the app was a Chinese spying device hiding in plain sight.

I’m nonetheless skeptical of that argument. If the Chinese authorities needed to eavesdrop on Americans via their smartphones, it wouldn’t have to make use of TikTok to do it. It might purchase troves of data from a knowledge dealer, because of America’s nonexistent federal information privateness legal guidelines.

And I’m nonetheless fearful that banning TikTok could be an enormous present to U.S. tech giants like Meta and Google, which personal TikTok’s largest opponents — Facebook, Instagram and YouTube — additional entrenching winners in a market that already has too little competitors.

But over the previous few weeks, as a bipartisan invoice that might power ByteDance to promote TikTok hurtled toward passage in Congress, I’ve warmed as much as the concept banning TikTok, or forcing its sale, might be a good suggestion.

I’ve arrived at this place reluctantly. I nonetheless discover a lot of the anti-TikTok case to be primarily based on imprecise claims of theoretical harms. And I’m sympathetic to arguments made by organizations just like the A.C.L.U. and the Electronic Frontier Foundation that banning TikTok would stifle constitutionally protected speech by American residents, and will set a precedent that authoritarian governments world wide might cite to justify censoring on-line speech they didn’t like.

But TikTok has additionally made a sequence of unforced errors which have damage its trigger. And the corporate’s ham-handed response to the newest congressional invoice — together with encouraging customers to flood their representatives’ offices with offended calls — might have inadvertently proved critics proper, by displaying that TikTok is each fascinated about and able to utilizing its muscle to affect American politics when it needs.

Alex Haurek, a TikTok spokesman, defended the corporate’s response, saying that “Americans have a constitutional right to petition government for redress of grievances, and that includes TikTok users asking their members of Congress to vote against a bill that would trample their constitutional right of free expression and, in many cases, their livelihoods.”

TikTok has had 4 years to scrub up its act since President Donald J. Trump led an try to power a sale. It might have spent that point changing into radically clear — proving that it had nothing to cover, and that its relationship to ByteDance was as distant and hands-off because it claimed. The firm’s leaders might have acknowledged — and sincerely wrestled with — the stress inherent in being a Chinese-owned app that hosts political speech within the United States and different democratic nations, despite the fact that a few of that speech will inevitably veer in instructions the Chinese authorities doesn’t like.

Instead, TikTok paid lip service to transparency by embarking on Project Texas, an unpersuasive project meant to assuage fears about Chinese spying by transferring TikTok’s U.S. consumer information to information servers owned by the American firm Oracle. Last 12 months, it invited reporters to tour a brand new advanced it known as the Transparency and Accountability Center in Los Angeles, which some attendees described as a neon-lit theme park crammed with defensive company messaging.

Mr. Haurek, the TikTok spokesman, stated the corporate’s transparency efforts, which included permitting outdoors audits of the app’s supply code, had been “unprecedented” and “well ahead of any peer company.”

Mostly, TikTok tried to maintain its head down, whereas privately suggesting that anybody who dared to query the corporate’s ties to the Chinese authorities was partaking in paranoid, and maybe racist, worry mongering.

There have, actually, been instances when TikTok’s critics have overstepped — such because the aggressive questioning that Shou Zi Chew, TikTok’s chief government, confronted throughout a congressional listening to final month about whether or not he had ties to the Chinese Communist Party. (Mr. Chew is Singaporean.)

But the corporate additionally wielded accusations of xenophobia towards good-faith skeptics who merely needed to understand how an app owned by a Chinese tech conglomerate may very well be freed from Chinese affect, given Beijing’s observe report of meddling with its tech corporations. (I’ll always remember the time a number of years in the past when a TikTok government steered that I used to be a bigot for elevating questions on whether or not Mr. Chew — who, importantly, was additionally serving as ByteDance’s chief monetary officer on the time — felt strain to stick to Chinese censorship legal guidelines.)

The firm additionally expanded its lobbying operations in Washington, and resisted transparency when it got here to its personal operations.

In 2022, for instance, ByteDance staff had been caught surveilling U.S. journalists who had been reporting on TikTok, gathering information from the reporters’ TikTok apps in an try to determine who was leaking inner conversations and paperwork to them. Several ByteDance staff had been fired after the incident got here to gentle, and the corporate claimed it was a “misguided” effort, however for me the concept this was an unauthorized operation carried out by a number of rogue staff has by no means handed the scent take a look at.

My colleagues Sapna Maheshwari and Ryan Mac reported last year that TikTok staff shared U.S. consumer information on a messaging system, often known as Lark, that was additionally utilized by Chinese ByteDance staff, regardless of executives’ claims that TikTok didn’t share that information.

And this 12 months, after researchers used a TikTok information device to compile details about standard movies associated to subjects which are suppressed inside China — and concluded that movies about a number of such subjects, like China’s Uyghur inhabitants and the protests in Hong Kong, had been unusually underrepresented on TikTok in contrast with different social networks — TikTok quietly restricted the tool somewhat than dispelling the criticism.

None of these items, on their very own, would justify banning TikTok. And it’s true that American tech corporations engage in similar practices on occasion.

But pretty or not, we’ve all the time held foreign-owned companies to larger requirements. This is particularly true for media corporations, whose political and cultural affect makes them tempting targets for would-be meddlers. (Rupert Murdoch, for instance, was required to become a U.S. citizen earlier than shopping for Fox News, due to legal guidelines on the time that prohibited foreigners from shopping for American TV stations.)

TikTok is extra highly effective than any broadcast community, because of its monumental dimension — 170 million Americans use it — and the stickiness of its algorithms. And it has proved, with its response to Congress’s actions this week, that it’s prepared to throw its weight round to get what it needs.

Will TikTok truly be banned? Hard to say. The Senate nonetheless must cross the forced-sale invoice, and President Biden must signal it. Then, it should survive the courtroom challenges. ByteDance, which views promoting TikTok as an absolute final resort, is already signaling that it’s going to mount a full-blown legal battle to stop it. And, after all, a ban may very well be undone if Mr. Trump — who has flip-flopped on TikTok, and now says he doesn’t assist forcing the app to promote — is elected in November.

Watching TikTok combat for its life over the previous few weeks, utilizing a number of the similar strategies of obfuscation and deflection which have fearful critics for years, has been profoundly miserable. Like many Americans, I exploit TikTok day by day, and I needed to defend my favourite time-wasting app from a menace to its existence.

But an organization underneath suspicion has to carry itself to a better commonplace, and thus far, TikTok has failed at convincing critics that it has sufficiently disentangled itself from its Chinese proprietor.

If it is ready to escape a compelled sale, or if the invoice is blocked by the courts, the corporate ought to rely itself fortunate, and may get to work placing extra actual, verifiable distance between itself and ByteDance, to make its claims of independence extra credible.

And if TikTok is compelled to promote, it is going to have solely its personal errors responsible.